From solidarity to pseud, India’s shift on Palestine

In these times of great power politics, the legacy ideals of non-alignment and anti-colonialism are seen as baggage

India’s position on Palestine, once a symbol of its anti-colonial ethos, has been diluted since the end of the Cold War and has dramatically shifted over the past decade. The alignment with Israel, the marginalisation of Palestine, and a focus on transactional diplomacy are not isolated phenomena but interconnected trends shaped by an interplay of domestic and global factors.

Hindutva and foreign policy

First, India’s evolving policy on Palestine is inseparable from the rise of Hindutva. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Sangh Parivar have sought to influence India’s diplomacy based on a Hindu nationalist worldview. This ideological shift has manifested itself in a growing affinity with Israel, seen as a natural partner against, and apparently a victim of, the perceived threat of an ‘Islamic terror’ — a narrative deeply ingrained in the Hindutva discourse.

Historically, India’s support for Palestine was rooted in its anti-colonial struggle, self-determination, and anti-racism. However, in ‘New India’, this support is seen through a communal lens, where the Palestinian cause is linked exclusively with the Muslim identity. The public discourse, fuelled by right-wing media, frames pro-Palestinian protests and solidarity as a threat to national security and ‘anti-nationalism’.

Protests supporting Palestine are often met with crackdowns, arrests, and even charges under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. Leaders such as Asaduddin Owaisi, who publicly voice support for Palestine, are routinely vilified, while students expressing solidarity are targeted. The state’s tacit approval in delegitimising the Palestinian cause helps it align with Israel, not just diplomatically but also ideologically.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s unscheduled stop at Mount Herzl to pay tribute to Theodore Herzl, the founder of Zionism, during his 2017 visit is emblematic of this ideological convergence. Under him, foreign policy is no longer framed by its historical commitments, but by a new narrative that views Israel as a strategic ally in a shared battle against perceived threats.

Values or ‘interests’?

The second factor driving India’s shift is a transition from values-based to transactional diplomacy. During the Nehruvian era, India’s foreign policy was deeply intertwined with anti-colonialism, including strong backing for Palestinian statehood. At the end of the Cold War, that ideological foundation began to give way to a more transactional approach, where narrowly defined interests took precedence over historical commitments. India-Israel relations are a product of this transition.

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India’s ties with Israel have flourished recently, with bilateral trade reaching over $10 billion in 2022-23. Cooperation extends across sectors such as defence, agriculture, and technology, areas where Israel has become an invaluable partner. The renewed engagement is defined by the dual pillars of ‘dehyphenation’, treating India’s relations with Israel and Palestine as separate, and ‘depoliticisation’, enhancing cooperation by circumventing politically sensitive questions. To dehyphenate and depoliticise are political acts. This allows New Delhi to deepen its engagement with Israel while paying lip service to the Palestinian cause.

However, this shift towards transactional diplomacy is not unique to India. Globally, foreign policies are increasingly guided by constructed economic and strategic interests. In India’s case, the West Asia policy has evolved significantly since the 1990s, with energy security, diaspora, and investments taking centre stage. The old Non-Aligned paradigm, which once governed India’s position, is now seen as inadequate for pursuing these objectives.

India’s approach to Palestine reflects this trend. As the government focuses on attracting investments from the Gulf and forging new partnerships, the Palestinian issue, lacking immediate economic or strategic benefits, has been relegated to the margins. The shift is stark when contrasted with Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi’s India which saw support for Palestine as a moral duty.

Ambitions and the great game

Finally, India’s aspiration to emerge as a great power has also played a crucial role. While it is flirting to emerge as a broker in the Ukraine conflict, it is simultaneously abdicating its support for Palestine. India’s alignment with the U.S., Israel’s staunchest ally, amidst the China-U.S. contest across various theatres, including West Asia is also a contributing factor.

In these times of great power politics, the legacy ideals of non-alignment and anti-colonialism are seen as baggage. This is best reflected in the rhetorical shift from non-alignment to strategic autonomy to multialignment. While the operational essence remains the same, every rebranding has witnessed normative dilution. This is evident in India’s muted response to Israel’s war on Gaza.

Despite the extensive loss of life and destruction, New Delhi’s reaction has been limited to (non) statements calling for peace and dialogue. The focus remains on strengthening ties with Israel, securing defence partnerships, and leveraging other sectoral opportunities.

The rise of Hindutva, transactional diplomacy, and India’s strategic ambitions in the context of the China-U.S. rivalry have all contributed to the marginalisation of the Palestinian cause.

While official rhetoric may still endorse a two-state solution, the reality on the ground reveals a distinct shift towards strengthening ties with Israel and prioritising economic and strategic interests over normative commitments.

In this new era of international politics, India seems to have moved away from its role as a champion of anti-colonial struggles. Instead, it has embraced a path defined by narrow interests over values. As the global order continues to evolve, will India continue down a path that increasingly aligns it with power politics over principles?

As it stands, the ‘new’ international order will likely be the same game with just new players.

Chetan Rana is an Associate Editor, 9dashline and a doctoral candidate, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi

Published - October 09, 2024 12:08 am IST